« The Allies' viewpoint on the Athenian empire: the evidence of Plutarch's Lives », in A. Powell & K. Meidani (éd.), The Eyesore of Aigina: Anti-Athenian Attitudes across the Greek, Hellenistic and Roman Worlds, The Classical Press of Wales, 2016, p. 1-18.

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1. the best current development and indicate the earlier bibliography) = FGrHist Continued 1002. For other prose fragments and testimonies: FGrHist 107. 47 Stesimbrotus is quoted in the Lives of Themistocles, Cimon and Pericles (Them. 2.5;
2. 5; 24.6-7. Cim., 4.5; 14.5; 16.1; 16.3. Per. 8.9; 13.16; 26.1; 36.6). One must add a parallel fragment in Athenaeus (F 10a). On Plutarch and Stesimbrotus, cf. Vanotti 2011. 48 Engels 1998, 67, about the insinuation that Cimon' sons would not be born from an Athenian mother. See, also, the allegations of sexual greed against Pericles (F 10a-b). On comic jokes on the politicians' sexual life, cf. Holzberg 2010.
3. Plut. Cim. 16.1. As he does for Ion, Plutarch shows little confidence in the data provided by Stesimbrotus (Per. 13.16 and 26.1).
4. See Engels 1998, 51-56, who gives a clear and convincing summary and critique of the main interpretations. 51 For instance, Per. 26.1 shows that Stesimbrotus mentioned the expedition of Samos, but what Plutarch retains seems very insignificant (F 8). 52 They are similar to the sarcasms of Attic comedy, so that they do not seem typical of an outside view.
5. Engels 1998, 51 notes that 'S. may have left his native soil as early as 463 BC after Kimon had suppressed the rebellion of the Thasians'. 54 FGrHist 76: Greek text. Landucci Gattinoni 1997, 224-258: translation and commentary of the fragments of the Chronicle of Samos. 55 Transl. B. Perrin slightly emended, Loeb Classical Library. 56 Among the sceptics: Kebric 1977, 79 ('Apparently, Duris' Chronicle also distorted facts since Plutarch accused him of manipulating history in order to discredit Pericles and Athens') and Karavites 1985 (who concludes, however: 'It is impossible to determine the truth of the story'). The historicity of the episode of torture is, however, not excluded by Meiggs 1972, 192, Hornblower and Greenstock 1988, 110 ('if he is right, it is a serious matter'), Landucci Gattinoni 1997, 233 and 2005, 233-4, or Azoulay 2010, 72, who considers Douris 'bien placé pour connaître l'affaire en tant qu'originaire de la cité rebelle'. 57 The punishment of exposing the condemned on a board is a long and painful Athenian torture that is well attested by literary and archaeological sources (Gernet 1924, partly based on Keramopoullos 1923; Stadter 1989, 258-9; Charlier 2009, 148- 150) and it would not be the only case of execution of the supposed leaders of a revolt (think of the 1000 'responsible' Mytilenaeans executed twelve years later. See Thuc.
6. Plutarch seems to dismiss morally and intellectually the refinements of cruelty, the heads crushed and the lack of burial, but these too seem not without parallel (the apotympanismos was often associated with further abuse, and the skeletons found at Phaleron with iron collars and irons around wrists and ankles had been in fact buried in a common grave). See Gernet 1924. 58 Plutarch makes three arguments (the silence of other sources, Douris' trend to dramatize, and his patriotic bias), which are not compelling. Cf. Meiggs 1972, 192-194. 59 Kebric 1977, 79 notes that 'Samos had a tradition of local historians going back as far as Asius in the seventh (?) century BC', he states that Douris had made use of this author (Ath. 12.525ef = FGrHist 76 F 60), but that 'his most immediate predecessor, however, would have been Aethlius of Samos, who lived in the fifth- fourth century BC.' Bibliography Azoulay, V. 2010 Périclès. La démocratie athénienne à l'épreuve du grand homme, Paris.
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