Notice: file_put_contents(): Write of 491362 bytes failed with errno=28 No space left on device in /opt/frankenphp/design.onmedianet.com/app/src/Arsae/CacheManager.php on line 36

Warning: http_response_code(): Cannot set response code - headers already sent (output started at /opt/frankenphp/design.onmedianet.com/app/src/Arsae/CacheManager.php:36) in /opt/frankenphp/design.onmedianet.com/app/src/Models/Response.php on line 17

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /opt/frankenphp/design.onmedianet.com/app/src/Arsae/CacheManager.php:36) in /opt/frankenphp/design.onmedianet.com/app/src/Models/Response.php on line 20
Shuilu Fahui - Wikipedia Jump to content

Shuilu Fahui

Edit links
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
One out of multiple altars at a Shuilu Fahui ceremony held in Tianning Temple, Changzhou, China

The Shuilu Fahui (Chinese: 水陸法會; lit. 'Water and Land Dharma Assembly') is a Chinese Buddhist ceremony typically performed with the aim of facilitating the nourishment and ultimate liberation of all sentient beings in saṃsāra. The service is often credited as one of the greatest rituals in Chinese Buddhism, as it is the most elaborate and requires the labor of monastics and temple staff and the financial funding of lay Buddhist sponsors. The full name of the ceremony is the Fajie Shengfan Shuilu Pudu Dazhai Shenghui (法界聖凡水陸普度大齋勝會), which translates to "Water and Land Universal Deliverance and Grand Feast Assembly for Saints and Ordinary Sentient Beings in the Dharma Realm."1220-1275

The ceremony is attributed to the Emperor Wu of Liang, who was inspired one night when he had a dream in which a monk advised him to organize a ceremony to help all beings living on land and in the seas to be surfeited from their suffering, hence the name of the rite. Traditions hold that the ritual itself was first composed by Emperor Wu, with guidance from the Chan Buddhist master Baozhi (寶志), who is traditionally regarded as an emanation of Shiyimian Guanyin (十一面觀音; lit: "Eleven-Headed Guanyin").[1] The liturgy received further edits and addendums in later periods, most notably by the monks Zhipan (志磐) and Zongze Cijue (宗賾慈覺) during the Song dynasty as well as the monk Yunqi Zhuhong (雲棲袾宏) during the Ming dynasty.[2]

During the Shuilu Fahui, all enlightened and unenlightened beings in saṃsāra are invoked and invited to attend and partake in the physical and spiritual nourishment provided. In this way, the main goal of the ritual is to facilitate the nourishment and ultimate liberation of all sentient beings, including devas, asuras and humans. The ritual combines features of Chinese operatic tradition (including a wide range of instrumental music as well as vocal performances), the recitation of various sūtras and repentance rites similar to other Mahāyāna rituals as well as esoteric Vajrayāna practices (such as the recitation of esoteric mantras of Buddhist divinities and visualization practices). As a result, the Shuilu Fahui has been seen by traditional commentators as a union of the various different traditions in Chinese Buddhism, such as such as Chan, Esoteric, Pure Land, Tiantai and Huayan.[3]

History

[edit]

Liang dynasty to Sui dynasty (6th century-7th century)

[edit]

Traditional records state that the Shuilu Fahui ceremony originated during the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang (464-549), who was historically renowned as a devout patron of Buddhism. According to accounts, Emperor Wu had a dream one night in which a holy monk told him about a ritual called the Shuilu Guangda Mingzhai (水陸廣大冥齋, lit: "Grand and Expansive Netherworldly Ceremony for beings of Water and Land") which had the ability to deliver universal salvation to sentient beings in samsara.[4][5] The next day, he consulted with ministers and śramaṇa at court about his dream, but no one had an explanation except for the Chan Buddhist master Baozhi (寶志; 418 - 514), who told him to search through the Buddhist canon.[4] In doing so, the Emperor found a scriptural text which recounted Ānanda’s encounter with a ghost king named Jiaomian (焦面; "Scorched Face").[4]

This specific encounter is also described in two later sources that were translated during the Tang dynasty (618 - 907): the Foshuo Jiu Mianran Egui Tuoloni Shenzhou Jing[zh] (佛說救面燃餓鬼陀羅尼神咒經; lit "Sūtra Spoken by the Buddha on the Dhāraṇī-spell that Saved the Burning-Face Hungry Ghost") which was translated by Śikṣānanda[zh] between the years 700 - 704, and the Foshuo Jiuba Yankou Egui Tuoluoni Jing[zh] (佛說救拔燄口餓鬼陀羅尼經; lit "Sūtra Spoken by the Buddha on the Dhāraṇī that Rescued the Flaming-Mouth Hungry Ghost") which was translated by Amoghavajra between the years 757 - 770.[6] According to these sūtras, Ānanda once encountered a ghost king named either Mianran (面燃; lit: "Burning Face") or Yankou (燄口; lit: "Flaming Mouth") that warned him about his impending death and rebirth in the realm of hungry ghosts which would happen unless he was able to give one measure of food and drink the size of a bushel used in Magadha to each of the one hundred thousand nayutas of hungry ghosts and other beings.[6] The encounter prompted Ānanda to beg Śākyamuni Buddha for a way to avert his fate, at which point the Buddha revealed a ritual and a dhāraṇī that he had been taught in a past life when he was a brahmin by the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara, who is known in East Asia as Guanyin (觀音菩薩).[6] Part of the ritual involved the brief invocation of the names of four Buddhas.[6] According to the sūtra, the performance of the ritual would not only feed the hungry ghosts but would also ensure the longevity of the performing ritualist.[6] The sūtra ends with Ānanda performing the rite according to the Buddha’s instructions and avoiding the threat of rebirth into the realm of the hungry ghosts.[6] Buddhist traditions hold that he eventually achieved longevity and attained the state of arhathood.

Using this text, the Emperor composed the ritual, which took three years to complete.[4] In the year 505, after receiving advice of Baozhi regarding where to hold the ritual, he summoned another eminent monk, the vinaya master Sengyou, and personally took part in the first performance at Zexin Temple (澤心寺), now named Jinshan Temple (金山寺), on the island of Jinshan near Zhenjiang in modern-day Jiangsu.[4] Traditional accounts go on to state that the text was lost in the following Chen dynasty (557-589) and Sui dynasty (581-618).[5][4]

Tang dynasty (7th century-10th century)

[edit]

According to traditional accounts, during the Xianheng era (670–674) of the Tang dynasty (618-907) period, the Chan master Daoying (道英) of Fahai Temple (法海寺) in the capital city of Chang'an was visited by the spirit of King Zhuangxiang of Qin, who requested that he reinstate the Shuilu Fahui ceremony and told him that a copy of the ritual texts that had been lost were in the possession of a monk named Yi Ji (義濟) at Dajue Temple (大覺寺).[7] After retrieving them, Daoying oversaw the revival of the ceremony and conducted its first performance at Shanbei Temple.[7]

Various references to performances of Shuilu Fahui ceremonies during the Tang dynasty were recorded in the form of steles. For instance, in his compendium Baoke Congbian (寶刻叢編, lit: "Collection of Treasured Carvings"), the author Chen Si (陳思) wrote about a stele in Jiankang (modern-day Nanjing) that was made in the year 833 which he labelled a "Tang-era Inscription on Performing a Water and Land Non-Discriminatory Ceremony" (唐修水陸無遮齋題).[8] He also wrote of another stele near Huzhou that was made in the year 863 that he labelled "Records of the Re-establishment of the Society for the Ceremony of the Netherworld and the Living World at Xingguo Temple" (重置興國寺冥陽齋社記).[9] Another Tang-era stele called the "Record of the Water and Land Assembly of the Eastern Nengren Temple" (東能仁院水陸會記) located in Wuhu is mentioned in another book, the Yudi Beiji Mu (輿地碑記目, lit: "Compendium of Geographic Inscriptions"), by the author Wang Xiangzhi (王象之).[10]

Historical records also document the development of shuilu ritual paintings during this time. Shuilu ritual paintings are a special style of traditional Chinese paintings based on Buddhist divinities and all other figures in Buddhist cosmology that are invoked into the ritual space during the Shuilu Fahui ceremony. These paintings are typically enshrined and arranged at various altars during the ceremony in special formations according to the ritual manual, sometimes forming a particular maṇḍala (such as is the case with the altar for the Ten Wisdom Kings). While the majority of these paintings usually depict Buddhist deities, a number of them also depicts non-Buddhist figures such as Taoist gods as well as the spirits of past emperors, officials and commoners since they are also invoked during the ceremony, being counted among the unenlightened sentient beings of saṃsāra that are invited to the ceremony to partake in the nourishment. In the Yizhou minghua lu (益州名畫錄, lit: "Record of Famous Artists from Yizhou") by the Song dynasty writer Huang Xiufu (黃休復), he records the biography of a Tang dynasty painter named Zhang Nanben (張南本), who was active in Chengdu in Sichuan from 880s onwards and who specialized in paintings of Buddhist figures, dragon kings, gods and ghosts. The biography states that, upon Emperor Xizong's return to the Tang capital of Chang'an following the end of the Huang Chao Rebellion, the prefectural magistrate Chen (府主陳太師) established a Water and Land Cloister (水陸院) at Baoli Temple (寶歷寺) and hired Nanben to paint over 120 paintings of the spirits of Heaven and Earth (天神地祗), the Three Officials and Five Emperors (三官五帝), Leigong and Dianmu (雷公電母), the spirits of mountains and marshes (嶽瀆神仙) and well as past emperors and kings (自古帝王).[11]

Song dynasty (10th century-13th century)

[edit]

After the Tang dynasty, Shuilu Fahui ceremonies continued to grow in popularity and were widely practiced in the succeeding Song dynasty (960-1279) by monastics, and historical records proliferated with numerous accounts of such ceremonies.

Imperial Patronage

[edit]

In particular, it was relatively common for the imperial family and government to commission performances of the ritual, especially in times of conflict or upon the death of a political figure. Various Song-era historical documents such as the Xu Zizhi Tongjian Changbian (續資治通鑑長編), an extensive chronicle of the history of the Northern Song dynasty in 980 volumes by the historian Li Tao (李燾), and voluminous court records as well as miscellaneous writings by officials like Wang Anshi (王安石, 1021-1086) and Qi Chongli (綦崇禮, 1083-1142), make numerous mentions of multiple performances of the Shuilu Fahui ceremony being commissioned by the imperial families of both the Song dynasty and its contemporaneous rival Jin dynasty (1115-1234). The following are a few examples. Both the Song Emperor Yingzong (1032 -1067) and the Song Empress Cao (1016-1079) were commemorated with performances of the Shuilu Fahui ceremony upon their deaths.[12][13] In 1081, the Song Emperor Shenzong sponsored a Shuilu Fahui ceremony at a temple in Guizhou (桂州) for the spirits of fallen soldiers and civilians from Yongzhou, Qinzhou and Lianzhou who had perished during the Song–Đại Việt war.[14] In 1083, Emperor Shenzong commissioned another Shuilu Fahui ceremony at a temple in Mingzhou (明州, modern-day Ningbo) that was held on the eve of a one-month mourning ceremony in commemoration of the death of King Munjong (1046-1083) of Goryeo.[15] In 1085, three Shuilu Fahui ceremonies (one taking place on the Dongzhi Festival, one taking place on Chinese New Year and one taking place on the Hanshi Festival) were commissioned and held in the Funing Palace (福寧殿) to commemorate the death of Emperor Shenzong.[16][17][18] The famous poet Su Shi (蘇軾,1037-1101), also widely known as Su Dongpo (蘇東坡), wrote three separate poems, one for each occasion.

For the performance during the Dongzhi Festival, he wrote:

"Be it reverently declared:

The enlightened ones and the gods ascend and descend, with Śakra and Brahma at the front and back.

Now that the cyclical day of return has come again, we offer splendid blessings for rebirth in the Pure Land.

Devoutly we prepare pure offerings, to respectfully guide him to True Enjoyment."[16]

For the performance during Chinese New Year, he wrote:

"Be it reverently declared:

Having forsaken the August Residence to join the exalted guests, his swift chariot can no longer be pursued.

Clinging to the renowned bow Wuhao^α while yearning forever, we are fated to experience yet another spring morning.

Daring to rely on excellent karmic bonds, we supplicate with pure offerings.

Praising the virtues of just Emperor Yao, forevering chasing the Enjoyment of Śakra and Brahma."[17]

For the performance during the Hanshi Festival, he wrote:

"Be it reverently declared:

Torrential rains and ferocious winds, a reminder of the impending change of spring's rhythm.

Drilling flint to start a fire, we grieve that the period of mourning will not linger.

Thus we supplicate a pure feast, to offer netherworldly blessings.

May he attain great enlightenment, and provide eternal aid to all living beings"[18]

In 1093, at least 3 Shuilu Fahui ceremonies were held for the Song Empress Gao (1032–1093) after her death at her residence, Chongqing Palace (崇慶宮) and at Fusheng Chan Cloister (福聖禪院, modern-day Nanchan Temple[zh] (南禪寺) in Wuxi).[19] In 1131 and 1132, the Song Emperor Gaozong (1107-1187) commissioned three Shuilu Fahui ceremonies to commemorate the death of Empress Dowager Meng (1073-1131), and the poet Qi Chongli (綦崇礼) composed poetic prayer verses for a few of the occasions.[20] The Empress Dowager had earlier been made reagent of a short-lived puppet state by the Jin empire when they invaded the Song capital of Kaifeng, but had shown loyalty to Emperor Gaozong by ending her regency and declaring him the rightful Emperor after he returned to the city in 1127. In 1134, Emperor Gaozong sponsored another Shuilu Fahui ceremony to provide relief to the spirits of fallen soldiers after the general Han Shizhong defeated a joint-invasion by forces from the Jin empire and its puppet state Pseudo-Qi at Chengzhou (承州, modern-day Gaoyou in Jiangsu).[21] After the Jin Emperor Taizong (1075-1135) ascended the throne in 1123, he invited a sandalwood statue to Minzhong Temple (憫忠寺, modern-day Fayuan Temple) in Beijing and held a Shuilu Fahui ceremony for over seven days and nights.[22]

Private patronage

[edit]

Outside the imperial families, Shuilu Fahui ceremonies were also widely commissioned and sponsored by private individuals including nobles, government officials and civilians. For instance, various Song era inscriptions on niches and statues at the Dazu Rock Carvings make references to multiple performances of Shuilu Fahui ceremonies, with the site itself possibly functioning as a ritual space.[23][24][25] The government official Li Guang (李光, 1078-1159) wrote about sponsoring a performance of the ceremony at Bao'en Chan Temple (報恩禪寺) for some goats that he had raised as pets after they had been offered to him as gifts.[26] Another example is the famous poet Su Shi (蘇軾,1037-1101) who was known for having sponsored a Shuilu Fahui ceremony and who even wrote a set of sixteen poems praising the sixteen classes of beings summoned during the ceremony titled Shuilu faxing zan (水陸法像贊, "Praises for the Dharma Images of Water and Land").[27] Su Shi's brother, Su Che (蘇轍, 1039-1112), also performed a Shuilu Fahui ceremony after a well beside a tomb ran dry.[28] Shuilu Fahui ceremonies were also often commissioned by officials to mark the construction of structures such as dikes and bridges, as well as for summoning rain and controlling winds.[29][30][31] Shuilu Fahui ceremonies became so popular that they even featured heavily in vernacular literary fiction of the time, such as the Yijian zhi (夷堅志) where performances of the ritual featured in multiple stories.[32] Biographies of Song era monastics also indicated that some monks became known for conducting the ceremony. In the Song gaoseng zhuan (宋高僧傳, lit: "Biographies of Eminent Monks of the Song dynasty") by the scholar monk Zanning[zh] (贊寧, 919-1001), he records two monks who were noted for conducting Shuilu Fahui ceremonies. The first was the monk Zunhai (遵誨, 865-945), a monk who specialized in the Lotus Sūtra and the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, who was noted as having "repeatedly performed Water and Land rituals to offer Dharma-food to spirits and ghosts, encouraging all on the dignified practice of bodhicitta".[33] The second was the monk Shouzhen (守真, 894-971), a monk from Sichuan who was known for practicing Tantric, Pure Land and Huayan Buddhism and whom some consider the Eighth Patriarch of the Huayan Buddhist tradition.[34][35] He was described as having "opened the Water and Land ritual space twenty times" in his lifetime.[35]

Liturgical variants

[edit]

It was during the Song era when the earliest still-existing version known of the ritual manual for the Shuilu Fahui ceremony was compiled. This version, known as the Shuilu yi (水陸儀, lit: "Water and Land manual"), was compiled by a Sichuanese upāsaka and named Yang E (楊鍔) and was widely circulated during the during the Xining period (1068-1077) of the Song dynasty.[36] While much of the ritual manual has been lost, three fascicles survive, namely the Chu ru daochang xu jian shuilu yi (初入道場敘建水陸意, lit: "Upon First Entering the Ritual Space to Explain the Meaning of Establishing the Water and Land Altars"), the Xuanbai zhaoqing shangtang bawei shengzhong (宣白召請上堂八位聖眾, lit: "Announcement to Invite the Noble Multitudes to the Eight Seats of the Upper Hall") and the Xuanbai zhaoqing xiatang bawei shengfan (宣白召請下堂八位聖凡, lit: "Announcement to Invite the Divine and the Mundane to the Eight Seats of the Lower Hall"). [36] In addition, Yang E also penned the Shuilu dazhai lingji ji (水陸大齋靈跡記, lit: "Record of the Miraculous Events of the Great Ceremony of Water and Land "), the earliest surviving account of the historical development of the Shuilu Fahui ceremony.[4][7] In 1096, the monk Zongze Cijue (宗賾慈覺, active 11th-12th century), who was known for practicing Pure Land as well as Yunmen Chan Buddhism, finished a four volume revision of Yang E's Shuilu yi which he also titled the Shuilu yi (水陸儀, lit: "Water and Land manual").[37] While much of this text is not extant, it was widely circulated during the Jin (1115–1234) and Yuan (1271-1368) dynasties and formed the basis for another later Shuilu Fahui ritual text during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) called the Tiandi mingyang shuilu yiwen (天地冥陽水陸儀文, lit: "Manual for the Ritual of All Beings of Heaven and Earth, This World and the Netherworld, and Water and Land").[37][38][39]

In the late-Song period, another version of the ritual manual for the Shuilu Fahui ceremony, which was to become especially influential later, was compiled by the Tiantai monk Zhipan (志磐, 1220-1275), the author of the Fozu tongji (佛祖統紀, lit: "Chronicle of the Buddhas and Patriarchs"), a massive encyclopedic historiographical text in 54 volumes detailing the history of Buddhism in China from a Tiantai perspective.[40][41][39] He recorded the events leading up to his compilation of this new ritual manual in the Fozu tongji.[42] According to his account, a Song politician named Shi Hao (史浩, 1106-1194) once visited the island of Jinshan (where Emperor Wu of Liang participated in the first ever performance of the Shuilu Fahui ceremony according to traditional accounts) and admired the Shuilu Fahui ceremonies being carried out there. Shi Hao then donated a hundred mu of land on Mount Yuebo (月波山) and established a "Four-season Water and Land Altar"(四時水陸) there.[42] He also personally composed ceremonial texts and had them inscribed in stone in the temple walls, as well as compiled and printed the ritual texts in the temple.[42] His efforts impressed the Song Emperor Xiaozong, who bestowed an imperial inscription upon the temple that read: "Unobstructed Shuilu bodhimaṇḍa" (水陸無礙道場).[42] Shi Hao's liturgy was used by up to three thousand monastics and laypeople at a monastery near Mount Yuebo called Zunjiao Temple (尊教寺), who took on the Mount Yuebo tradition of conducting universal salvation rituals during the four seasons.[42] Eventually, some within Zunjiao Temple's community wished to adjust some aspects of the original liturgy, and so requested Zhipan, who resided at the temple, to work on a new liturgical text.[42] Utilizing older versions of the ritual manual, Zhipan eventually finished his version in six volumes called the Shuilu yigui (水陸儀軌, lit: "Ritual Manual of Water and Land").[42][43]

Yuan dynasty to Ming dynasty (13th century-17th century)

[edit]

Under the Yuan dynasty

[edit]

Shuilu Fahui ceremonies continued to remain popular under the succeeding Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), being commissioned on multiple occasions by various Emperors, who were fond of conducting Buddhist rituals.[44][39] The following are a few examples. In 1316, under the Yuan Emperor Renzong (1285-1320), the imperial court held a massive Shuilu Fahui ceremony at Jinshan Temple, in which 1500 monks participated.[44][45] In 1321, the Yuan Emperor Yingzong (1302-1323) commissioned over six temples: Wan'an Temple (萬安 Qingshou Temple(慶壽) Sheng'an Temple(聖安) Puqing Temple (普慶寺) in Beijing, Jinshan Temple in Zhenjiang and Wansheng Youguo Temple (萬聖祐國寺, modern-day Nanshan Temple[zh]) to carry out a large-scale Shuilu Fahui ceremony which lasted over seven days and seven nights.[44][46] In 1328, The Yuan Emperor Taiding (1293-1328) commissioned another Shuilu Fahui ceremony which lasted seven days and nights as well.[47]

Under the Ming dynasty

[edit]

During the succeeding Ming dynasty (1368-1644), Shuilu Fahui ceremonies became even more popular with both the imperial court and private citizenry. For instance, starting from the first year (1368) of the reign of the Ming Hongwu Emperor (1328-1398) until the fifth year (1407) of the reign of the Ming Yongle Emperor (1360-1424), the Ming imperial court consecutively held several large scale Shuilu Fahui ceremonies at Jiangshan, historically known as the Jiangshan Fahui (蔣山法會, lit: "Dharma Assembly at Jiangshan"), with invitations being sent to nearly every prominent monk from the late Yuan to early Ming period.[39][48][49] The main purpose of performing these ceremonies was to provide salvation to the spirits of both soldiers and civilians who had perished during wartime, thereby promoting political stability and peace.[39][49] Similar to earlier dynasties, the popularity of the ritual and its integral nature in the lives of the populace during this period is evident by its appearances in vernacular literature, such as the popular late-Ming novel Jinpingmei (金瓶梅).[39] According to Hong Jingchun (洪錦淳), a notable scholar in the history of Shuilu Fahui rituals, the number of Yuan and Ming dynasty era Shuilu Fahui performances recorded in historical texts in the Chinese Buddhist canon make up only one percent of the actual total number of Shuilu Fahui ceremonies performed during this period.[44]

Liturgical variants

[edit]

In the early decades of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), another version of the Shuilu Fahui ceremonial liturgy was published in Shanxi by the monk Yijin (義金) (active circa 1368–1424) called the Tiandi mingyang shuilu yiwen (天地冥陽水陸儀文, lit: "Manual for the Ritual of All Beings of Heaven and Earth, This World and the Netherworld, and Water and Land"). This liturgy, which was likely based on the earlier Song dynasty manual edited by Zongze, belongs to a category of variant Shuilu Fahui ritual manuals called the "Bei shuilu" (北水陸, lit: "Northern Shuilu"; first coined by the eminent Ming dynasty monk Ouyi Zhixu) as they seem to have preserved the practices of Shuilu Fahui rituals that were popular in North and West China.[50][51][39] This manual demonstrates highly eclectic features, combining elements across Chinese Esoteric Buddhism, Taoism, and folk beliefs.[39] It was heavily influenced by the Vajradhātu Esoteric tradition and involved building an array of altars that largely resembles the Vajradhātu maṇḍala, as well as visualizations of seed-syllables and the conferment of samaya precepts.[39] This version of the ritual manual was widely used to perform Shuilu Fahui ceremonies up until the late-Qing dynasty (1644-1912).[50]

In the late-Ming period, the eminent monk Yunqi Zhuhong (1535-1615), who is the Eighth Patriarch of the Chinese Pure Land tradition, published another version of the Shuilu Fahui ritual manual.[44][39] His effort was part of a Buddhist revival movement which strove to reinvigorate Buddhist monastic life and practices through means such as reformation of monastic discipline as well as standardization of ritual liturgies.[39][52] Choosing the Song dynasty manual edited by Zhipan (the Shuilu yigui) as the foundation, Zhuhong revised and refined the liturgy, placing particular focus on stressing ritual order and etiquette.[44][39] His edition, titled the Fajie shengfan shuilu shenghui xiuzhai yigui (法界聖凡水陸勝會修齋儀軌, lit: "Ritual Manual for Practicing the Ritual of the Water and Land Grand Assembly for Saints and Ordinary Sentient Beings in the Dharma Realm"), belongs to a category of variant Shuilu Fahui ritual manuals called the "Nan shuilu" (南水陸, lit: "Southern Shuilu"), which includes Zhipan's version of the ritual manual.[44] Zhuhong's version of the liturgy was also widely used throughout the Ming and Qing dynasties and forms the core text of the most popular version of the Shuilu Fahui liturgy in contemporary times.[44][39]

Qing dynasty to Present (17th century-21th century)

[edit]

The ceremony remained an integral part of the Chinese Buddhist ritual field under the succeeding Qing dynasty (1644-1912), with both the Bei shuilu and Nan shuilu variants of the ceremony continuing to be performed.

During the reign of the Qing Daoguang Emperor (1782-1850), the monk Yirun (儀潤) from Zhenji Temple (真寂寺) in Hangzhou edited and expanded Zhuhong's version of the ritual manual by supplementing explanations on certain details as well as adding more content regarding the ritual's practice and rules, resulting in a six-volume work titled the Fajie shengfan shuilu shenghui xiuzhai yigui (法界聖凡水陸普度大齋勝會儀軌會本, lit: "Compiled Ritual Manual for Practicing the Ritual of the Water and Land Grand Assembly for Saints and Ordinary Sentient Beings in the Dharma Realm").[44][39] Later, the upāsaka Zhiguan (咫觀, active circa 1862–1908), also known as Zheng Yingfang (鄭應房), composed extensive commentaries regarding Zhuhong's version of the ritual manual, compiling them into a nine-volume work titled the Fajie shengfan Shuilu dazhai puli daochang xingxiang tonglun (法界聖凡水陸大齋普利道場性相通論, lit: "Comprehensive Treatise on the Nature and Characteristics of the Dharma Realm of Saints and Mortals in the Water-Land Great Retreat and Universal Beneficence Assembly").[44][39] He also wrote another text based on the Shuilu Fahui ceremony titled the Shuilu daochang falun baochan (水陸道場法輪寶懺 ,lit: "Precious Repentance of the Dharma Wheel for the Water-Land Assembly") which had ten volumes.[44][39]

In the late-Qing dynasty, just before the founding of the Republic of China, the monk Fayu (法裕) also edited Zhuhong's version of the ritual, providing additional instructional details regarding the rituals to be performed at the Outer Altars as well as other ceremonial practices.[44][39] In addition, a new preface for this version was written by the eminent monk Yinguang (1862-1940), who is the Thirteenth Patriarch of the Chinese Pure Land tradition.[44][39] This four-volume version of the ritual manual, titled the Shuilu yigui huiben (水陸儀軌會本, lit: "Compiled Ritual Manual of Water and Land"), remains the most widely utilized version in modern contemporary Chinese Buddhist practice throughout China, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia and other overseas Chinese communities.[44][39]

Altars

[edit]
One of the altars at a Shuilu Fahui ceremony held by Ling Jiou Mountain[zh] (靈鷲山) in Taiwan

In contemporary practice, the entire ritual is typically structurally divided into two types of rituals: those conducted at the Inner (內壇) and those conducted at the Outer Altars (外壇).[39][53] In most cases, there is only a single Inner Altar while there are multiple Outer Alters. The Inner Altar is traditionally considered the most sacred and important part of the ritual and is where the most central rites are performed, so access to it is often restricted.[39] In contrast, rituals at the Outer Altars are typically open to all participants.[39] The primary focus is the Inner Altar, which infers the collective merits of the Outer Altars.

Inner Altar

[edit]

The Inner Altar is the core of the entire liberation rite and the most elaborate of all the other shrines. The Inner Altar comprises twenty-four smaller altars: twelve for the higher beings and twelve for the lower beings. Each altar has their own classification ranging from other buddhas, bodhisattvas, sages, and celestial protectors, down to the lower beings dwelling in the six realms of rebirth: lesser devas, demigods, humans, animals, hungry ghosts, hell beings, and deceased individuals. Each altar has a set of paper plaques decorated with paper flowers and talismans which contain the core essence of the invited spirit and a painting that describes who each of the beings are, along with a verse taken from the Inner Altar ritual text. Lastly, tables are set out for the monastics and sponsors to use, complete with kneelers, the ritual text for reference, a handheld censer, and plates with flowers to use when inviting beings.

As it requires deep concentration among all of the monastics, sponsors, and guests attending, many temples usually restrict public access to the shrine so that only high ranking and assigned monks, sponsors, and special guests are invited to enter when the ritual is not in session. When a ritual session begins, apart from any pressing emergencies, no one is allowed to leave the shrine until its completion, as it is considered disrespectful to the invited beings. Offerings of food, beverages and incense, chanting and reciting of secret mantras and various sūtras, transmitting precepts and bowing in repentance on behalf of the higher and lower beings are the core procedures in the Inner Altar.

Outer Altar

[edit]

The Outer Altars usually consists of separate halls in the temple, all of which are open for public participation to help create merit for the work being done in the Inner Altar. Typically, this grouping consists of a total of six or seven altars, each focusing on different scriptures and rituals, namely:

Some individual temples or Buddhist organizations are also known to add additional altars focusing on other types of rituals and scriptures.[5][54] Some examples include:

Procedures

[edit]
See also: Shuilu ritual paintings

Before the ceremony can take place, a purification of the entire temple or monastery space must be completed, usually presided by the abbot or elder monastics. Once it is finished, the outer and Inner Altars are opened and all will simultaneously start their own service. Even as the ritual in both the inner and Outer Altars are being held throughout the day and night, the routine morning and evening sessions of chanting and meditation in the monastery or temple are not neglected; some sponsors may choose to stay in retreat at the monastery during that time to join the daily sessions.

The ritual at the Inner Altar begins with a series of preparatory work, including setting up the altar as well as purifying the ritual space.[39] This is followed by the invocation of various protective deities and their attendants, including the Ucchuṣma, all the Ten Wisdom Kings, the Twenty-Four Protective Deities and the Eight Legions of Devas and Nagas via visualizations and the chanting of mantras.[39][53] Both the Buddha Mahāvairocana and Bodhisattva Guanyin are then invited to the ritual space via visualization chanting of mantras in order to empower incantatory water, which is then used to purify and seal the ritual space.[53] Later, ‘talisman-holding messengers’ (持符使者) are dispatched to invite all beings in the realm of ten directions to the ceremony.[39][53] In the rest of the ritual at the Inner Altar, offerings are made to all the assembled beings and Buddhist teachings and precepts are conferred on the spirits of the dead.[53] At the end, the merits of the ritual are dedicated to all sentient beings and the invited assembly of beings are sent off.[53]

At the Outer Altars, a variety of rituals are performed, such as repentance rites (懺悔), gongfo zhaitian rites (供佛齋天) where offerings are made to the Triple Gem and deities, tantric Yujia Yankou rites (瑜伽燄口) for the nourishment and salvation of hungry ghosts, as well as the reciting of various major sūtras in Chinese Buddhism.[3]

Procedures for the Inner Altar

[edit]

The inner altar section consists of the following subsections:

  1. Setting up the boundary and performing ritual purification (啟壇結界)
  2. Issuing the invitations and hanging the banners (發符懸幡)
  3. Inviting the saintly beings (請上堂)
  4. Making offerings to the saintly beings (供上堂)
  5. Issuing petitions for amnesty (告赦)
  6. Inviting the mundane beings (請下堂)
  7. Precepts for the netherworldly beings (幽冥戒)
  8. Making offerings to the mundane beings (供下堂)
  9. Final offering of completion (圓滿香)
  10. Seeing off the guests (送聖)
  • Setting up the boundary and performing ritual purification (啟壇結界): Through the recitation of secret mantras, a ritual purification and boundary is placed around the Inner Altar to protect it from negative influences, allowing the rite to progress without outside hindrances, and for all beings to be invited without obstruction.
  • Issuing the invitations and hanging the banners (發符懸幡): A ritual writ of invitation describing the intent of the main donors that the liberation rite is occurring at the temple is issued by the presiding masters. This is done in the form of a paper horseman who is tasked with issuing the invite. This paper horseman is then burned outside the temple premises. Meanwhile, a giant banner (for the higher beings) and lanterns (for the lower beings) are raised on tall bamboo stalks or flagpoles, a paper effigy sentry is erected outside the Inner Altar, and a ceremonial bulletin announcing the liberation rite and who the sponsors are ritually marked by the temple abbot using a calligraphy brush.
  • Inviting the saintly beings (請上堂供上堂): A cloth bridge and pavilion for bathing is set up to invite deities from the higher realms to be present for the ritual. The invitation of each deity into the ritual space involves the presiding monastic chanting a gāthā praising the deity, followed by each deity's specific mantra. The list of deities invoked includes the Five Wisdom Buddhas, the Bodhisattva Guanyin, the Ten Wisdom Kings, Ucchusma and the Twenty-Four Protective Deities.[53]
  • Making offerings to the saintly beings (供上堂): Once invited, offerings of incense, food, flowers, and other delicacies are made, all while the Dharma teaching is ritually imparted.
  • Issuing petitions for amnesty (告赦): A petition is issued specifically to Brahma, Sakra, deities from the lower realms and locality gods to grant reprieve to lower beings to allow them to be present for the liberation rite. Another paper horseman is ritually burned and sent off.
  • Inviting the mundane beings (請下堂): As in the previous invitation, a cloth bridge is set up to welcome lower beings into the Inner Altar. Esoteric mantras are recited to bring the beings from the lower and hell realms to be present for the ritual.
  • Making offerings to the mundane beings (供下堂): More offerings of incense, food, flowers, and other delicacies are made as the Dharma teaching is imparted.
  • Precepts for the netherworldly beings (幽冥戒): In the evening, the presiding masters will invoke teachings to the invited lower beings. The registered ancestral or deceased relations of the main sponsors will also ritually receive the precepts by proxy.
  • Final offering of completion (圓滿香): A final offering of incense, food, drink, and flowers are made to all invited beings.
  • Seeing off the guests (送聖): The last ritual is often the most elaborate and elegant of the rituals, as it involves rare musical performance from monastics and invited orchestral bands. Each of their effigies in the Inner Altar (in the form of paper plaques) are paraded on the temple grounds and collectively placed onto a paper boat and burned, symbolizing their ascent to the Pure Land. The burning of the boat serves as an aid to visualizing the beings ascent and also serves to mark the conclusion of the liberation rite.

Required recited texts and rituals for the Outer Altars

[edit]

While the Inner Altar is conducting the ritual, separate shrines will also conduct their own sessions for reciting sūtra texts. Because of the large requirement of sūtra texts and rituals, the responsibility is often divided among the invited monastic Sangha. Therefore, having one monastic reciting a text will count toward having one required text recited.

The required texts for the Outer Altars as suggested by Chan Master Baozhi are the following:

In addition, during the duration of the liberation rite, one ritual session is held in the early morning for offering to the Triple Gem and Twenty-Four Guardian Deities, and five tantric Yujia Yankou ritual sessions are held at night for hungry ghosts. Some temples and monasteries may elect to include more than the prescribed texts listed.

Practice

[edit]

The Shuilu Fahui ceremony is common in Mainland China and Hong Kong, where many temples hold it at least once a year on particular structured dates as part of a fixed yearly cycle of festivals.[61][3] In modern times, it has become usual for some temples to prepare months or years in advance by having the monastics practice and master the ritual's proceedings ahead of time. The ceremony is also popular in Chinese communities outside Mainland China, such as Taiwan where various temples have held Shuilu Fahui ceremonies every year, sometimes in the name of praying for the country and raising funds.[62]

Beyond its religious significance, the Shuilu Fahui ceremony also provides an avenue for monasteries to demonstrate social engagement with the public and engage in charity works. Because of the ceremony's exquisite and very detailed ritual procedure, it often requires a non-trivial amount of funds to prepare and hold. Such funds are usually raised through sponsorships and donations from lay followers and practitioners. In many cases, funds raised from donations to temples for a given Shuilu Fahui ceremony are donated to various types of social welfare organizations.[3][63][64]

Because holding a Shuilu Fahui ceremony might also affect a temple financially in some cases, this can be seen as a way of demonstrating skillful means by showing the importance of the concept of anatta, or non-self, in Buddhism, while still dedicating merits to relieve suffering in all beings.

Ritual manual

[edit]
  • Full digitalized text of the ritual manual

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Goossaert, Vincent (2004). "Chün-fang Yü, Kuan-yin. The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara". Archives de sciences sociales des religions. 126: 47–112. doi:10.4000/assr.2282. ISSN 0335-5985.
  2. ^ Liu, Xiangguang (2014). Song dai ri chang sheng huo zhong de bu suan yu gui guai (Er ban ed.). Tai bei: Zheng da chu ban she. ISBN 978-986-6475-31-3.
  3. ^ a b c d Chan, Yiu Kwan (2008-05-18). "Popular Buddhist Ritual in Contemporary Hong Kong: Shuilu Fahui, a Buddhist Rite for Saving All Sentient Beings of Water and Land". Buddhist Studies Review. 25 (1): 90–105. doi:10.1558/bsrv.v25i1.90. ISSN 1747-9681.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g 《施食通覽》卷1：「大梁武帝，治化清時。道利寰中，兵戈永息。唯崇佛理，寢處優閑。艸履葛巾，布被莞蓆。精持齋戒，濟䘏含生。悲念四恩，心緣三有。晝夜焚誦，靡暫停時。遂感聖賢，同扶邦國。忽於中夜，夢一高僧。神清貌古，雪頂厖眉。前白帝言：六道四生，受苦無量。世有水陸，廣大冥齋。普濟含生，利樂幽顯。諸功德中，最為殊勝。宜以羞設。帝既覺悟，詰旦升朝，躳臨寶殿。即以夢水陸之事，首問大臣及諸沙門，悉無知者。唯志公奏曰：但乞陛下廣尋經教，必有因緣。帝依奏，即遣迎大藏經論，置于法雲殿。積日披覽，頗究端由。及詳阿難遇焦面鬼王，因地建立平等斛食。乃創製儀文，三年乃就。其間所得事類，具出一十一本經論。其文既備，心猶有疑。一慮聖意罔周，二恐凡情未愜。遂乃再嚴廣內，特建道場。俯及夜分，親臨法席。跪膝致敬，手捧儀文。顧謂侍臣，息除燈燭，悉令暗冥。帝乃虔誠，焚香發願。敘其感夢，撰此齋文。儻若理契聖凡，利兼幽顯，願禮拜起處，道場燈燭，不熱自明。或體式未周，利益無狀，所止燈燭，悉暗不明。言訖，投地作禮。禮[A68]已，燈燭盡明。帝睹之，神情大悅。於是欲營此齋，乃召志公以問：當就何處？志公曰：宜以深山幽谷中，羞設最奇。貧道竊睹潤州澤心寺(即金山寺舊名也)，江上一峯，水面千里，潭月雙照，雲天四垂，堪會神靈，境通幽顯。時天監四年二月十五日夜，帝召僧祐律師，宣文鳳舸，親臨法會，興于水陸大齋，饒益幽冥，普資群彚。自後陳隋兩朝，其文堙墜。」(CBETA 2025.R2, X57, no. 961, pp. 113c04-114a3 // R101, p. 440a10-15 // Z 2:6, p. 220c10-15)[A68] 已【CB】，巳【卍續】　
  5. ^ a b c Hong, Tsai-Hsia (2005). The Water-Land Dharma Function Platform Ritual and the Great Compassion Repentance Ritual (Doctor of Philosophy in Religious Studies thesis). University of the West.
  6. ^ a b c d e f Lye, Hun Yeow (2003-08-01). Feeding Ghosts: A Study of the Yuqie Yankou Rite (Thesis). University of Virginia. doi:10.18130/V3S82Z.
  7. ^ a b c 《施食通覽》卷1：「至唐咸[A76]亨中，西京法海寺英禪師，一日方丈獨坐。有異人，衣冠甚偉，足不履地，來謁英公曰：弟子知有六道水陸齋，可以利益幽明。自梁武歿後，因循不行。今大覺寺有吳僧義濟，得此儀文，久在篋笥，殆欲蠧損。願吾師往求，以來月十五日，於山北寺，如法修設。苟釋狴牢，敢不知報。英公許之，異人乃去。英公尋詣大覺寺，果有吳僧義濟，得儀文以歸。即以所期日，於山北寺，親臨道場。修設既畢，其日曛暮。向者異人，與十數輩，來謝英公曰：弟子即秦莊襄王也。又指其徒曰：此范雎、穰侯、白起、王翦、張儀、陳軫，皆秦臣也。咸坐本罪，幽囚陰府。大夜冥冥，無能救護。昔梁武帝於金山寺設此齋時，前代紂王之臣，皆免所苦。弟子爾時，亦暫息苦。然以獄情未決，不得出離。今蒙吾師設齋，弟子與此輩，并列國諸侯眾等，皆乘善力，將生人間。慮世異國殊，故此來謝。言訖遂滅。自是儀文布行天下，作大利益。(此是東川楊鍔水陸儀所載。)本朝東川楊鍔，祖述舊規，製儀文三卷，行於蜀中，最為近古。然江淮所用，并京洛所行，皆後人踵事增華，以崇其法。至於津濟，一也。宗賾向於紹聖三年夏，因摭諸家所集，刪補詳定，勒為四卷，粗為完文。普勸四眾，依法崇修。利益有情，咸登覺岸。」(CBETA 2025.R2, X57, no. 961, p. 115a2-22 // R101, pp. 442b14-443a16 // Z 2:6, pp. 221d14-222a16)[A76] 亨【CB】，享【卍續】(cf. T49n2035_p0321b28)　
  8. ^ Baoke congbian, reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=699772. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  9. ^ Baoke congbian, reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=322196. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  10. ^ Yudi beiji mu, reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=en&chapter=993487. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  11. ^ Yizhou minghua lu, reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=679309. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  12. ^ "臨川文集 (四庫全書本)/卷046 - 维基文库，自由的图书馆". zh.wikisource.org (in Chinese). Retrieved 2025-09-03.
  13. ^ （民国）胡思敬辑, 豫章叢書 四宋人集 王魏公集 108 (PDF), retrieved 2025-09-03
  14. ^ Xu zizhi tongjian changbian, reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=263257. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  15. ^ Xu zizhi tongjian changbian, reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=420019. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  16. ^ a b "冬至福寧殿作水陸道場資薦神宗皇帝齋文 - 维基文库，自由的图书馆". zh.wikisource.org (in Chinese). Retrieved 2025-09-03.
  17. ^ a b "正旦於福寧殿作水陸道場資薦神宗皇帝齋文 - 維基文庫，自由的圖書館". zh.wikisource.org (in Traditional Chinese). Retrieved 2025-09-03.
  18. ^ a b "內中福寧殿下寒節為神宗皇帝作水陸道場齋文 - 維基文庫，自由的圖書館". zh.wikisource.org (in Traditional Chinese). Retrieved 2025-09-03.
  19. ^ Fan tai shi ji, reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=506196&remap=gb. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  20. ^ "北海集 (四库全书本)/卷19 - 维基文库，自由的图书馆". zh.wikisource.org (in Simplified Chinese). Retrieved 2025-09-03.
  21. ^ 《佛祖統紀》卷47〈17 法運通塞志．宋〉：「四年。偽齊劉豫同金虜入寇。上下詔親征。九月上親詣天竺大士殿。焚香恭禱蚤平北虜。既而淮東宣撫使韓世忠。敗金人齊人於承州。世忠獻俘行在。因陳戰沒之人乞加贈恤。上蹙然曰。死於鋒鏑誠為可閔。即勅直學士院胡松年具詞。建水陸大齋以為濟度。是夕也有見鬼神來會甚眾。有夢戰死者咸忻然相慶。以為自此得生善趣者。上聞之大說。五年。彌月大旱。詔道法師入內祈雨。結壇作法。以四金瓶各盛鮮鯽噀水默祝。遣四急足投諸江。使未回而雨已洽。上大說。特賜金鉢○九月上幸天竺大士殿炷香。住山應如奏對如流。上說。賜萬歲香山以供大士及度牒銀幣之類。」(CBETA 2025.R1, T49, no. 2035, p. 425a27-b12)
  22. ^ 《佛祖統紀》卷48〈17 法運通塞志．元〉：「太宗諱晟揚割次子。改元天會。迎請栴檀瑞像到燕京。建水陸大會七晝夜。安奉於憫忠寺供養。」(CBETA 2025.R1, T49, no. 2035, p. 437c9-11)
  23. ^ Hou, Chong; Ho, Eunice; Cao, Sherry Xinyi (2023-11-28), Chao, Shin-yi (ed.), "3. Shuilu Rites and the Baodingshan Rock Carvings of Dazu", Chinese Popular Religion in Text and Acts, Amsterdam University Press, pp. 89–104, doi:10.1515/9789048550364-006, ISBN 978-90-485-5036-4, retrieved 2025-09-02
  24. ^ “Lun Dazu Baoding wei fojiao shuilu daochang” 論大足寶頂為. 佛教水陸道場, in Hou, Yunnan yu bashu fojiao yanjiu lungao 雲南與巴蜀佛教. 研究論稿, 320–68.
  25. ^ 黎方銀 (2002). "大足宋代石窟中的水陸遺跡". 大足石刻研究文集 (in Chinese). 3: 93–102.
  26. ^ Mi zhai biji, reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=983965. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  27. ^ 《施食通覽》卷1：「水陸法像贊(并序)文忠公蘇　軾葢聞淨名之盋，屬饜萬口；寶積之蓋，徧覆大千。若知法界本造於心，則雖凡夫，皆具此理。在昔梁武皇帝始作水陸道場，以一十六名盡三千界，用狹而施博，事約而理詳。後生莫知，隨世增廣，若使一二而悉數，雖至千萬而靡周。唯我蜀人，頗存古法，觀其像設，猶有典刑。虔召請於三時，分上下者八位，但能起一念於慈悲之上，自然撫四海於俛仰之間。軾敬發願心，具嚴繪事。而大檀越張侯致敬禮，樂聞其事，共結勝緣，請法雲寺法涌禪師善本，善擇其徒，修營此會，永為無礙之施，同守不刊之儀。軾拜手稽首，各為之贊，凡十有六篇。上堂八位第一佛陀耶眾謂此為佛， 是事理障； 謂此非佛， 是斷滅相。 事理既融， 斷滅亦空。 佛自現前， 如日之中。 第二達摩耶眾以意為根， 是謂法塵； 以佛為體， 是謂法身； 風止浪靜， 非別有水。 放為江河， 匯為沼沚。 第三僧伽耶眾佛既強名， 法亦非真， 神而明之， 存乎其人。 惟佛法僧， 非三非一。 如雲出雨， 如水現日。 第四大菩薩眾神智無方， 解脫無礙， 以何因緣， 得大自在？ 障盡願滿， 反于自然。 無始以來， 亡者復存。 第五大辟支佛眾現無佛處， 修第二乘， 如日入時， 膏火為燈。 我說二乘， 如應病藥， 敬禮辟支， 即大圓覺。 第六大阿羅漢眾大不可知， 山隨綫移； 小入無間， 澡身軍持。 我雖不能， 能設此供， 知一切法， 具此玅用。 第七五通神仙眾孰云飛仙， 高舉違世。 湛然神凝， 物不疵癘。 為同為異， 本自無同。 契我無生， 長生之宗。 第八護法天龍眾外道壞法， 如刀截風， 壞者既妄， 護者亦空。 偉茲龍神， 威而不怒。 示有四支， 佛之禦侮。 下堂八位第一官僚吏從眾至難者君， 至憂者臣。 以眾生故， 現宰官身。 以難為易， 以憂為樂。 樂兼萬人， 禍倍眾惡。 第二三界諸天眾苦極則修， 樂極則流。 禍福無窮， 糾纏相求。 遂超欲色， 至非非相。 不如一念， 真發無上。 第三阿修羅王眾正念淳想， 則為飛行。 毫𨤲之差， 遂墮戰爭。 以此為道， 穴胸隕首。 是真作家， 當師子吼。 第四人道眾地獄天宮， 同一念頃。 涅槃生死， 同一法性。 抱寶號窮， 鑽穴索空。 今夕何夕， 當選大雄。 第五地獄道眾汝一念起， 業火熾然， 非人燔汝， 而汝自燔。 觀法界性， 起滅電速， 唯知心造， 是破地獄。 第六餓鬼道眾說食無味， 涎流妄嚥。 真食無火， 中虗妄見。 美從妄生， 惡亦幻成。 知幻即離， 既飽且寧。 第七旁生道眾欲人不知， 心則有負。 此念未成， 角尾[A77]已具。 集我道場， 一洗濯之， 盡未來劫， 愧者勿為。 第八六道外者眾陋劣之極， 蕩於眇冥， 胎卵溼化， 莫從而生。 聞吾法音， 飆超電動， 如夢覺人， 不復見夢。 修水陸葬枯骨疏同前右伏以諸佛眾生，皆具大圓覺。天官地獄，同在一塵中。是故惡念纔萌，便淪苦海。善根瞥起，[A78]已證法身。要在攝心，易同反掌。竊見惠州太守右丞議郎詹君範，與在州官吏，舉行朝典，破官錢，葬失所暴骨數百軀。既掩覆其形該，復安存其魂識。使歸泉壤，別受後身。軾目睹勝緣，輒隨喜事。以佛慈悲大願力，以我廣大平等心。遵釋迦之遺文，修地藏之本願。起焦面之教法，設梁武之科儀。伏願諸佛子等，乘此良因，離諸苦趣。沐浴法水，悟罪垢之本空。鼓舞梵音，知道場之無礙。三歸[A79]已畢，莫起邪心。一飽之餘，永無飢火。以戒定慧，滅貪瞋癡。勿眷戀於殘骸，共逍遙於淨土。伏惟三寶，俯賜證明。」(CBETA 2025.R2, X57, no. 961, pp. 115a23-116b1 // R101, pp. 443a17-445b01 // Z 2:6, pp. 222a17-223b01)[A77] 已【CB】，巳【卍續】　[A78] 已【CB】，巳【卍續】　[A79] 已【CB】，巳【卍續】　
  28. ^ Mozi shangxian shang (chizaotang sikuquanshu huiyao edition), reprinted in Sturgeon (2011), https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=868644#%E6%9D%B1%E5%A1%8B%E8%80%81%E7%BF%81%E4%BA%95%E9%BD%8B%E5%83%A7%E4%9F%BD%E4%B8%80%E9%A6%96. Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 2011. Chinese Text Project. http://ctext.org
  29. ^ 〔宋〕李之儀撰, 姑溪居士文集 (PDF), retrieved 2025-09-03
  30. ^ 嚴州金石錄 (PDF), retrieved 2025-09-03
  31. ^ 海神庙禳风祈雨水陆疏文 南宋 · 楼钥 出处：全宋文卷六○一五、《攻愧先生文集》卷八一 田祖告功，正资三日之雨； 飞廉作孽，忽具四方之风。 恐惧弗胜，祈禳方谨。 遽消拔木之暴，还作鸣条之和。 敢即灵祠，恭陈法食。 谢天地鬼神之大赐，广冥阳水陆之鸿因。 尚凭佛慈，俯徇人欲。 收召和气，洗旱魃之馀妖； 霈作秋霖，慰农夫之渴望。
  32. ^ 高振宏 (著); 李建弘 (著) (May 2013). "《夷堅志》裡的水陸法會". 海潮音=Hai Ch'ao Yin (in Chinese). 94 (5): 4–8.
  33. ^ 《宋高僧傳》卷28：「晉東京相國寺遵誨傳(彥求)釋遵誨，姓李氏，譙郡人也。祖世不仕，母張氏夢神人授己寶珠，乃有娠焉。生且奇異，乳哺之時，善認人之喜慍。彌長，見寺觀，必任步遲迴，顧盻不捨。年甫十一，禮亳城開元寺崇諲律主為師範矣。誦《法華經》，二周畢部，由是勤於學問。殆登弱冠，受于戒律，持彼律儀，確乎轉石。尋師西洛，問道梁園，初[2]于智潛法師傳《法華經》，講精義入神，雌黃滿口。梁開平二年戊辰歲，止相國寺藥師院，首講所業。至後唐長興二年辛卯歲，門徒相續請其訓導，已周一十九遍，升其堂者二十餘人。洎天福二年，有五臺山繼顒大師精達《華嚴》大經，躬入東京，進晉祖降聖節功德。誨仰顒師辯浪經江，下風趨附，乃允講宣。誨善下百川，蔚成藏海矣！梁、宋之間以顒罷唱，請誨敷揚，𢈈匝虛堂，緇素雲萃，[3]募四眾鐫石壁《華嚴經》一部於講殿三面焉！嗟其油素，易罹炎上之災；刻此貞珉，寧患白蟫之食。工未告終，所施已足。又召僧俗人各念一卷，得二百四十人，成三部，四季建經會，近二十年，更無間曠。復別施鬼神水陸法食，皆勸勵莊嚴菩提心行矣！朝廷崇重，旌表其功，賜號真行大師。開運二年乙[A2]巳歲正月十六日示疾，策杖教誡門弟子訖，右脇而臥，口誦佛名，斯須長逝矣。享壽七十一，法臘五十一。門生奉遺旨葬于隨河之北，寺莊東原也。次有杭州龍華寺釋彥求，姓葉氏，縉雲人也。梁貞明中納戒，造景霄律席，逈見毘尼祕邃，方將傳講，俄悟[4]呇婆羅漢，反求堅固法。乃遊閩嶺，得長慶禪師心決。迴浙，受丹丘人請，居六通院，其道望惟馨，與夫申椒、菌桂爭，其芬烈矣。漢南國王錢氏欽其高行，命住功臣院。末歸州治龍華寺，聚徒開演。求好營眾事，務必身先，唯以利人為急，受施必歸。常住房無關鍵，笥無扃鐍；不容尼眾禮謁，不苟聲勢。常屬度戒，四遠人聚，日供累千僧食，未甞告匱言。前後計飯鉅萬人焉！宋建隆中終于住寺云。」(CBETA 2025.R2, T50, no. 2061, p. 884b10-c20)[2] 于【大】，於【宋】【元】　[3] 募【大】＊，慕【宋】【元】＊　[A2] 巳【CB】，已【大】　[4] 呇【大】，沓【宋】　
  34. ^ Ping, Yanhong (2024-12-31). "A review on the Shouzhen's (守真) religion identity of the Eight Patriarch of the Huayan School". Cogent Arts & Humanities. 11 (1) 2335761. doi:10.1080/23311983.2024.2335761.
  35. ^ a b 《宋高僧傳》卷25：「[4]宋東京開寶寺守真傳(沙彌彌伽道蔭)釋守真，永興萬年人也。俗姓紀，漢詐帝信之鴻緒。乃祖乃父，素履貞吉，奕葉孝行，充塞閭里，故鄉人美其孝焉，遂目之曰紀丁蘭也——真即其後矣！洎黃寇[A10]干紀，僖宗蒙塵，車駕避鋒而西幸，咸、鎬失守而沒賊，因而徙家居于蜀矣。及冠也，偶遊聖壽寺見修進律師行出物表，語越常度，乃解帶卸冠，北面而事之。七支既備，先謁從朗師，學《起信論》；次依性光師，傳法界觀；後禮演祕闍梨，授瑜伽教，竝得心要，咸盡指歸。自明達諸法，宣暢妙典，四十年間略無怠矣。而賜號曰昭信焉。講《起信》及法界觀共七十餘遍，皆以燈傳燈，用器投器，嗣乎法者二十許人。開灌頂道場五遍，約度僧尼士庶三千餘人，開水陸道場二十遍。常五更輪，結文殊五髻教法，至夜二更輪，西方無量壽教法，稱阿彌陀尊號，修念佛三昧，期生淨域。一日，謂弟子緣遇曰：「如來不云『出息不保入息』？吾之壽也幸矣，汝之年也耄矣，今欲順俗從世，預設二塔，其可得乎？」緣遇稽首而對曰：「廣度長老捨院之右地請建塔者有年矣！今大師屬其意，長老致其美，因緣冥契，安可而止。」於是鳩工而營之，自十月琢磨，至[5]來一月徹繢。以開寶四年秋八月九日命眾念佛，佛聲既久，令止，奄然而歸寂，俗壽七十八，僧臘五十三。其月二十一日焚葬於北永泰門外智度院側。其獲舍利光潤，各將供養之。次沙彌彌伽者，于闐國人也，專誦《華嚴經》，曾無間息。聖曆年中，天帝釋請迎伽上天誦持，乃曰：「每被阿脩羅見擾，故屈師來，請為誦宣《華嚴經》，以禳彼敵。」遂陞座，朗諷是經。時修羅軍眾聞經乃現威神，一時而化去。又沙彌道蔭常念《金剛經》，寶曆初，因他出夜歸，虎暴中路，忽遇哮吼跳躑于前。蔭知不免，乃閉目而坐，唯默念是經，心期救護，虎遂伏草守之。達曙，村人來往，乃視虎，其蹲處涎流於地焉。蔭後持誦，益加高行矣。論曰：入道之要，三慧為門。若取聞持，勿過讀誦者矣。何耶？始惟據本，本立則道生。次則捨詮，詮留則月失，比為指天邊之桂影，而還認馬上之鞭鞘。如此滯拘，去道彌遠。然則機有新發，跡或乍移，須令廣覽多聞。復次，背文高唱，在乎品位，先號法師。故經云：「受持、讀、誦、解說、書寫，如法修行。」是也。原夫經傳震旦，夾譯漢庭，北則竺蘭始直聲而宣剖，南惟僧會揚曲韻以諷通。蘭乃月氏之生，會則康居之族。兩家左右，二見否[A11]臧，無為氷上之狐，[1]免問[2]堠傍之路。通曰：「西竺僧持部類，行事不同：或執親從佛聞，更難釐革；或稱我宗自許，多決派流；或直調而質乎；或歌聲而巧矣。致令傳授各競師資，此是彼非，我真他謬，終年矛盾，未有罷期。故有若美一期之唄𠽋，誦三契之伽陀，感車馬而不行，動人天之共聽，此曲折聲之効也。若乃盤特少句，薄拘短章——止憂忘以鼓脣，胡暇巧而揚舌——，猶登中聖，或致感徵，此直置聲之驗也。今以一言蔽之，但有感動龍神能生物善者，為讀誦之正音也。」或曰：「常聞光音天之語言，則是梵音。未委那為梵音邪？請狀貌以示之。」通曰：「諸陀羅尼，則梵語也。唄𠽋之聲，則梵音也。」或曰：「如天下言音令人樂聞者，與襄陽人為較——準彼漢音也——，音附語言，謂之漢音、漢語。則知語與音別。所言唄𠽋者是梵音，如此方歌謳之調歟！且梵音急疾而言，則表詮也；分曉舒徐引曳，則唄𠽋也。」或曰：「此只合是西域僧傳授，何以陳思王與齊太宰撿經示沙門耶？」通曰：「此二王先已熟天竺曲韻，故聞山響及經偈，乃有傳授之說也。今之歌讚，附麗淫哇之曲，惉懘之音，加釀瓌辭，包藏密呪，敷為梵奏，此實新聲也。如今啟夾，或曰開題，秖知逐句隨行，那辨真經偽造？豈分支品，未鑒別生。『能』顯既知，『所』詮須體，當聞捨筏，適足歸宗。達其『阿』字之門，圖其法身之體，此讀誦之至也。其有難通『帚』字，多遊族家，急令口誦於一經。且為身參於五眾，賴能暗誦，免呼粥飯之僧；如偶澄清，緩裹歸家之幞。」或曰：「國朝度戒，何責經乎？豈不聞《羯磨》之辭，止云年滿、衣鉢具足，不言念經為增上緣耶？」通曰：「此滅法無知之徒言耳。上根感戒，果證相隨，何以經紙數考試耶？脫捨下根之誦持，入法止闒[3]茸、白丁矣！南山大師云：『纔登解髮，便須通覽。』又『後周初，多度僧尼，勅靈藏銓品行業，若講若誦，卷部眾多，隨有文義，莫不周鑑，時共測量，通經了意，最為第一。』此乃精選誦經、通義，為入道之階漸也。不見此文，深為痛惜。「《梁傳》目此為〈經師〉，宣師不沿而革，號為〈讀誦〉。今[A12]采諸師從唐至宋，取其多善，宗歸乎高。則有感神宿廟，度苦因經；法智往生，感金光之照野；明慧行道，占虹氣之貫天；或受請居羅漢之前，或持明救城陽之疾；得御詩之餞送，見勢至之來迎；使者攝而不能，妖狐媚而自變；猗歟元皎，致李樹之叢生；焯爾楚金，感帝王之入夢；圓光在頂，三昧現前；遇誦《華嚴》，放金光於口角；後遊地獄，乘寶座於西方；三刀斷勢，傷於竹筒；千福經聲，入於帝耳；[A13]燈返不飡於薏苡，康聲無斷於連珠；或添齡於三十許年，或差蠱於數十莖髮，或經音遍於燕壘，或本足在於鐘離，或樂象龜茲，或口開菡萏，或鬼神避呪，或陸地生蓮，或夢華胥而悉解梵音，或坐佛座而便歸圓寂。如斯上德，若此法師，殖璧隨方，貫華有次。身為金鼓，擊之成懺悔之音；口若玉簫，吹之出神仙之曲。因依相授，徙倚獨宣，可謂皮裹《法華》，足行經藏。俾法音之不斷，善付三乘；皆成佛之無餘，還宣八辯者也。《詩》曰：『伐柯伐柯，其則不遠。』望吾曹無忘取則於此焉。」」(CBETA 2025.R2, T50, no. 2061, pp. 871b17-872c11)[4] 宋【大】，大宋【宋】【元】　[A10] 干【CB】，于【大】(cf. B16n0088_p0467c16)　[5] 來【大】，十【宋】【元】　[A11] 臧【CB】【磧-CB】，藏【大】(cf. Q35_p0159b03)　[1] 免【CB】【磧-CB】【宋】【元】，兔【大】(cf. Q35n1434_p0159b03; 日本宮內廳圖書寮《大宋高僧傳》卷25)　[2] 堠【大】，候【宋】【元】　[3] 茸【大】，䒠【宋】【元】　[A12] 采【CB】，釆【大】　[A13] 燈【CB】，證【大】(cf. 日本宮內廳圖書寮《大宋高僧傳》卷25)　
  36. ^ a b 周叔昭 (2003). "中國佛教儀軌制度" (in Chinese). {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  37. ^ a b 馮國棟, & 李輝. (2004). 慈覺宗賾生平著述考. 中華佛學研究, 235-248.
  38. ^ ‘Hongji zhi fanyi: Zongze “Shuilu yi” kao’ 洪濟之梵儀: 宗賾 《水陸儀》 考 [The Buddhist Rituals of Hongji: An Examination of Zongze’s Water and Land Ritual]. In Liao- Jin-Yuan fojiao yanjiu shang 遼金元佛教研究上 [Studies on Buddhism during the Liao, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties (Part 1)], edited by Huang Xianian 黃夏年, 390–91. Zhengzhou: Da
  39. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y Liu, J. (2024). Negotiating Boundaries: A Comparative Study of the Shuilu (Water-Land) Rituals in Late Imperial China. Hualin International Journal of Buddhist Studies, 7, 70-131.
  40. ^ McBride, Richard D. II (2021). "Zhipan's Account of the History of Buddhism in China: vol. 1, "Fozu tonghi," juan 34–38: From the Times of the Buddha to the Nanbeichao Era by Thomas Jülch (review)". Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies. 21 (2): 258–263. doi:10.1215/15982661-9326249. ISSN 2586-0380.
  41. ^ Buswell, Robert E.; Lopez, Donald S. (2017-07-20), "Fozu tongji", The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, Princeton University Press, doi:10.1093/acref/9780190681159.001.0001, ISBN 978-0-691-15786-3, retrieved 2025-09-02
  42. ^ a b c d e f g 《佛祖統紀》卷33〈16 法門光顯志〉：「述曰。昔真隱史越王。嘗過金山慕水陸齋法之盛。乃施田百畮。於月波山專建四時水陸。以為報天地君親之舉。且親製疏辭刻石殿壁。撰集儀文刊板於寺。既而孝廟聞而嘉之。賜以水陸無礙道場宸翰扁於殿。逮今百年修供惟謹。去月波里所有梵苑曰尊教。師徒濟濟率沙門族姓三千人。施財置田。一遵月波四時普度之法。先是尊教同人有謂。越王疏旨之辭。專為平昔仕官報。效君親之舉。美則美矣。而於貴賤貧富未見平等修供之意。乃力挽志磐續成新儀六卷。推廣齋法之盛。而刻其板。復依準名位。繪像幀者二十六軸。及今創立齋會。於是儀文像軸皆得其用。時主其事者。寺沙門處謙清節文學師竑。以法施者。月波住山宗淨也。以文字施者。則志磐也。當願十方伽藍。視此為法。大興普度之道。」(CBETA 2025.R1, T49, no. 2035, pp. 321c15-322a3)
  43. ^ Sørensen, Henrik H. (1991). "A Bibliographical Survey of Buddhist Ritual Texts from Korea". Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie. 6: 159–200. doi:10.3406/asie.1991.980. ISSN 0766-1177. JSTOR 44168934.
  44. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Shi Tianhong 釋天宏. 'Shuilu fahui zhi qiyuan yu lishi yange wenxian tantao'「水陸法會」之起源與歷史沿革文獻探討. 2022. [College Students Buddhist Studies Theses 2022 大專學生佛學論文集 2022, Huayen College 華嚴專宗學院]. Huayen Buddhist College Institutional Repository 大專學生佛學論文集. https://www.huayencollege.org/files/paper/thesis/pdf/2022/13%20%E9%87%8B%E5%A4%A9%E5%AE%8F_%E3%80%8C%E6%B0%B4%E9%99%B8%E6%B3%95%E6%9C%83%E3%80%8D%E4%B9%8B%E8%B5%B7%E6%BA%90%E8%88%87%E6%AD%B7%E5%8F%B2%E6%B2%BF%E9%9D%A9%E6%96%87%E7%8D%BB%E6%8E%A2%E7%A9%B6.pdf Yángé wénxiàn tàntǎo《普勸僧俗發菩提心 文》的校注 [Annotated Commentary on Essay Exhorting both Clergy and Laity to Generation of the Bodhicitta]. 2017 Guoji qingnian Huayan xuezhe luntan lunwen ji 2017 國際青年華嚴學者論壇論文集 [2017 Conference Proceeding of International Young Huayan Scholars' Forum], 2017, H1-20. Website publication by Huayan College (Huayan zhuanzong xueyuan 華嚴專宗學院).
  45. ^ 《佛祖統紀》卷48：「三年。設水陸大會於金山。命江南教禪律三宗諸師說法。」(CBETA 2025.R2, T49, no. 2035, p. 435c28-29)
  46. ^ 《佛祖統紀》卷48：「至治元年。詔各路立帝師殿。勅建帝師殿碑。作大佛事於寶慈殿。以西僧牙八剌里為元永延教三藏法師授金印。又命拜住造壽安山寺。又作佛事於光天殿。鑄銅為佛像置玉德殿。又修佛事於文德殿。以僧洪為釋源宗主。授榮祿大夫。帝幸上都。遣使賜撒思加地僧金二百五十兩。銀二千二百兩。袈裟二萬。幣帛幡茶各有差。遣呪師朵兒只往牙濟班卜二國取佛經。作金塔於上都。藏佛舍利勅天下諸司命僧誦經十萬部勅京師萬安．慶壽．聖安．普慶四寺。楊子江金山寺。五臺山萬聖祐國寺。作水陸勝會七晝夜。」(CBETA 2025.R2, T49, no. 2035, p. 436a18-b1)
  47. ^ 《佛祖統紀》卷48：「致和元年。命帝師修佛事於禁中。帝御興聖殿。受無量壽佛戒于帝師。命僧千人修勝會于鎮國寺。詔帝師命僧修佛事於鹽官州。仍造浮屠三百十六所。以厭海溢。時江浙行省丞相脫驩公憂之禱于上天竺。廣興佛事。命天岸濟法師親履其地。仍令有司修水陸大會七晝夜。法師呪行沙水。足迹所按土皆凝然○十月皇后亦憐真八剌受佛戒于帝師。禁僧道買田土。違者坐罪。」(CBETA 2025.R2, T49, no. 2035, p. 436c13-22)
  48. ^ 趙偉 =Zhao; Wei (December 2018). "明初蔣山法會考述=A Textual Study of Jiangshan Buddhist Ceremonies in the Early Ming Dynasty". 世界宗教文化=The Religious Cultures in the World (in Chinese) (6): 107–113.
  49. ^ a b Sheng, Kai (2020-06-10), "Buddhist Faith and Lifestyles in the Ming and Qing Dynasties", A History of Chinese Buddhist Faith and Life, Brill, pp. 440–547, ISBN 978-90-04-43177-5, retrieved 2025-09-05
  50. ^ a b 戴曉云 (2016). "北水陸修齋儀軌續考". 佛學研究=Buddhist Studies=Journal of Buddhist Studies (in Chinese): 276–284.
  51. ^ 戴曉云 (2008). "北水陸法會修齋儀軌考". 世界宗教研究=Studies in World Religions (in Chinese) (1): 48–57.
  52. ^ Yü, Chün-fang (著); Stevenson, Daniel B. (前言) (2020). "The Renewal of Buddhism in China: Zhuhong and the Late Ming Synthesis": 330. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  53. ^ a b c d e f g h "The Water -Land Dharma Function Platform ritual and the Great Compassion Repentance ritual - ProQuest". www.proquest.com. ProQuest 304764751. Retrieved 2025-04-08.
  54. ^ a b c d e f g Shi Tianhong 釋天宏. 'Hanchuan fojiao shuilu fahui yu shuilu yigui tese zhi tanjiu' 漢傳佛教「水陸法會」與《水陸儀軌》特色之探究. 2024. [Paper submitted as part of student's oral thesis for the Yuanguang Buddhist Studies Institute graduation exam, Graduate Institute of Religious Studies 政治大學宗教研究所]. https://www.towisdom.org.tw//UpLoad/%e5%ad%b8%e8%a1%93%e8%ab%96%e6%96%87%e7%b5%8404_%e7%b4%80%e5%bf%b5%e4%bd%99%e5%ae%b6%e8%8f%8a%e5%85%88%e7%94%9f%e7%8d%8e%e5%ad%b8%e9%87%911_%e9%87%8b%e5%a4%a9%e5%ae%8f_%e6%94%bf%e6%b2%bb%e5%a4%a7%e5%ad%b8_%e6%bc%a2%e5%82%b3%e4%bd%9b%e6%95%99%e3%80%8c%e6%b0%b4%e9%99%b8%e6%b3%95%e6%9c%83%e3%80%8d%e8%88%87%e3%80%8a%e6%b0%b4%e9%99%b8%e5%84%80%e8%bb%8c%e3%80%8b%e7%89%b9%e8%89%b2%e4%b9%8b%e6%8e%a2%e7%a9%b6_20240730175941.pdf
  55. ^ a b Shi Tianhong 釋天宏. 'Yuanguang chansi yuseng shuilu dafahui tanchang zengshe yinsu tantao' 圓光禪寺「育僧水陸大法會」壇場增設因素探討. 2021. [Paper submitted as part of student's oral thesis for the Yuanguang Buddhist Studies Institute graduation exam, Graduate Institute of Religious Studies 政治大學宗教研究所]. https://www.huayencollege.org/files/paper/thesis/pdf/2021/20-%E9%87%8B%E5%A4%A9%E5%AE%8F_%E5%9C%93%E5%85%89%E7%A6%AA%E5%AF%BA%E3%80%8C%E8%82%B2%E5%83%A7%E6%B0%B4%E9%99%B8%E5%A4%A7%E6%B3%95%E6%9C%83%E3%80%8D%E5%A3%87%E5%A0%B4%E5%A2%9E%E8%A8%AD%E5%9B%A0%E7%B4%A0%E6%8E%A2%E8%A8%8E.pdf
  56. ^ "法鼓山大悲心水陸法會". shuilu2.ddm.org.tw. Archived from the original on 2022-06-29. Retrieved 2025-09-09.
  57. ^ "法鼓山大悲心水陸法會". shuilu2.ddm.org.tw. Archived from the original on 2023-06-09. Retrieved 2025-09-09.
  58. ^ "法鼓山大悲心水陸法會". shuilu2.ddm.org.tw. Archived from the original on 2022-06-29. Retrieved 2025-09-09.
  59. ^ "法鼓山大悲心水陸法會". shuilu2.ddm.org.tw. Archived from the original on 2022-06-29. Retrieved 2025-09-09.
  60. ^ "法鼓山大悲心水陸法會之「萬行壇」". 台北大願佛苑 (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Retrieved 2025-09-09.
  61. ^ Gildow, Douglas M. (2014-01-01). "The Chinese Buddhist Ritual Field". Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies.
  62. ^ "國家圖書館 期刊文獻資訊網 中文期刊篇目系統：從"展演"觀點論音聲實踐在臺灣佛教水陸法會儀式中所扮演的角色". readopac3.ncl.edu.tw. Archived from the original on 2020-12-21. Retrieved 2025-08-25.
  63. ^ "慈明寺歷年規模最大水陸法會 張副市長肯定寺方捐款助弱勢". 臺中市政府全球資訊網 (in Traditional Chinese). Retrieved 2025-08-25.
  64. ^ "台灣民眾電子報 | 愛心贊普做公益 靈鷲山水陸法會發揮大普施精神". www.allnews.tw (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Retrieved 2025-08-25.

Notes

[edit]
^α The bow Wuhao is a legendary bow said to have belonged to the Yellow Emperor. According to tradition, when the Yellow Emperor ascended to the heavens on a dragon, his subjects were said to have clung onto Wuhao while wailing in grief. Hence, the term "clinging to Wuhao" eventually became a metaphor for mourning for a deceased individual.
[edit]
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Shuilu_Fahui&oldid=1313293382"