Browderism

CPUSA leader Earl Browder, for which the ideology is named

Browderism refers to the variant of Marxism–Leninism developed in the 1940s by American communist politician Earl Browder, who led the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) from 1930 to 1945. Characterized by deviations from orthodox Marxist–Leninist policies and principles, it sought to revise Marxism to align the party with mainstream American politics and present events; this involved incorporating Americanism and its nationalist values into the party's message, shifting away from the revolutionary socialism previously touted by the CPUSA. Moreover, Browderism rejected class conflict entirely, instead advocating for class collaboration with the bourgeosie under a popular front.

Browderism served as the ideological line of the CPUSA's platform from 1942 until Browder's expulsion from the party in 1945. It was controversial for its revisionism in the communist world, both domestically within the party, and internationally following the publication of the Duclos letter attacking the ideology. Following Browder's expulsion, a snap election held in July re-elected William Z. Foster as party leader. As a Stalinist, Foster reverted the party back to traditional Marxism–Leninism. The influence of Browderism waned in the party's ideology, as under the leadership of Gus Hall, attempts to recreate a new popular front and align its aims with American circumstances under Bill of Rights socialism; however, these efforts were removed from Browderism, which has since been scrutinized by anti-revisionists.

History

Beginning of Browder's leadership

Earl Russell Browder became General Secretary of the Communist Party USA in 1930, and served as the party's unilateral leader and public face throughout his leadership—coinciding with the Great Depression and presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt—which informed the development of Browderism. The CPUSA's initial hostility to the New Deal resembled the theory of social fascism, attacking Roosevelt's policies in their 1934 manifesto while claiming Roosevelt's program to be "in political essence and direction [...] the same" as that of Adolf Hitler. Browder clarified in a 1933 pamphlet on social fascism that fascism in general was “the dictatorship of finance capital”, and therefore Roosevelt and Hitler were the same in how “both are executives of finance capital”. Browder also attacked the Socialist Party of America (SPA) and its 1932 presidential nominee Norman Thomas, accusing him of "cover[ing] up the class character of democracy by contrasting it with fascist dictatorship as if capitalist rule were not the essence of both", as well as "absolv[ing] the capitalist class of its fascist terror and mak[ing] it appear as a measure of self-defense against Communist provocation." Yet in 1935, coinciding with the 7th World Congress of the Comintern endorsing the popular front strategy, Browder in turn endorsed the New Deal, and described the political situation as "progress or reaction, democracy or fascism."

While Browder continued to serve as the Communist nominee for the 1936 and 1940 presidential elections, he gave a public speech on January 6, 1935, outlining an alliance with the SPA. Browder formally proposed a large-scale united front between the two parties, recognizing how Thomas acknowledged specific issues for cooperation. Within the American Left, such an alliance was endorsed by The New Republic, arguing that a broad anti-fascist platform meant "agree[ing] with Mr. Browder that common action is imperative and that the way to unite is to unite; and with Mr. Thomas that the way to begin is on specific issues." Browder also sought to form new mass organizations to unite communists with other progressive forces, including the American League Against War and Fascism in 1933, and the Psychologists League and League of American Writers, both in 1935.

Americanism and World War II

Under the Browderist principles of a united front and Americanism, the CPUSA promoted the war effort during World War II, advocating for a 'second front' in invading Nazi-occupied Europe.

As this popular front strategy progressed leading up to World War II, Browder further de-emphasized Marxist rhetoric by utilizing American patriotism to appeal to a broader audience in U.S. politics. This coincided with Comintern policy under Joseph Stalin, which still supported the popular front strategy worldwide up until the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and the beginning of World War II. Due to the undermining of the Soviet Union's anti-fascist reputation, the CPUSA's ranks and recruitment numbers diminished. Browder was imprisoned in 1941; following his early release a year later, he returned to the general secretary position strongly in support of the American war effort, contrasted by the accusations of "imperialist war" the party previously made. This led to the brief end of class conflict and beginning of class collaboration in Browder prioritizing the popular front in the party's appeal above all else. These tendencies of Browderism, emphasizing an uncompromising popular front and aim to popularise the party with Americans culminated in 1944, when the CPUSA was officially dissolved for a short time and was restructured into the Communist Political Association (CPA). This decision from Browder, though receiving unanimous support from the National Committee as a constitutional convention for the new organization was planned for May 1944, there was bitter opposition to this change in the form of the Foster-Darcy letter, co-signed by CPUSA factional rival William Z. Foster and Philadelphia District Organizer Samuel Adams Darcy. Limited circulation of the letter was tolerated within the party leadership, but later would lead to Darcy's expulsion by a CPA committee headed by Foster, who submitted to party discipline as emphasized by Browder.

Fallout and decline

Browder's successors following the re-establishment of the CPUSA, William Z. Foster (pictured left) as chairman and Eugene Dennis as general secretary, reversed Browderism in the party's ideology and adhered to Stalinism.

Following the Tehran Conference in 1943, Browder hoped for the alliance between the Allied powers to continue after the war in peaceful coexistence, yet with the beginning of the Cold War and McCarthyism, Browderism became open to scrutiny. Jacques Duclos, Comintern member and leader of the French Communist Party (PCF) published an article in the party's theoretical magazine, Les Cahiers du communisme, attacking Browder's positions in what became known as the "Duclos letter". Quoting the Foster-Darcy letter, Duclos criticized Browder's beliefs about a harmonious post-war world as "erroneous conclusions in no wise flowing from a Marxist analysis of the situation", and that liquidating the CPUSA constituted a "notorious revision of Marxism". In retrospect, the article was found by historians Harvey Klehr, John Earl Haynes and Kyrill Anderson to have already been written in Russian and initiated by Moscow, after they determined post-war relations would become hostile. With the end of the Pacific War, Duclos was instructed to publish the article under his own name.

The article had major consequences for Browderism (sealing Browder's fate within the party) and the American communist movement, as the article had circulated worldwide among Comintern officials. The Communist Party USA was re-established at a snap election in July 1945, and Browder was removed from his position as general secretary, with Foster, who led the effort against Browderism, appointed as chairman and Eugene Dennis appointed as general secretary. Browder remained in the party continuing to espouse Browderism in the form of Distributors Guide: Economic Analysis: A Service for Policy Makers, a weekly newsletter outlining his own vision for Soviet–American relations in contrast to the unfolding Cold War. This was considered to breach party discipline, and Browder was formally expelled from the CPUSA on February 5, 1946.

Legacy within the CPUSA

Browder died in June 1973. At this point, the Communist Party USA was under the leadership of Gus Hall, Browderism was fully removed from the party platform, as the party remained committed to orthodox Marxism–Leninism. However, within Hall's policies, there were similarities with Browderism. This included a brief attempt to forge a "broad people's political movement", aligning the CPUSA in a new popular front with the civil rights movement and anti-Vietnam War movement to amass support among baby boomers. This would've tied the CPUSA, a by-product of the Old Left, with the New Left, yet was unsuccessful. Hall also coined the term "Bill of Rights socialism", advocating for socialist ideals to be incorporated into the U.S. Constitution. However, Hall did not cite Browderism as inspiration for these policies, as there are notable differences which reflect a different era, particularly as Hall was more restrained when deviating from orthodoxy, being a committed Soviet ally. Joseph C. Mouledous noted how Hall advocated in 1961 for a united front policy, allying with different groups around certain political issues. Moreover, Hall stressed elsewhere the party's necessity not to take over such organizations, which Mouledous accredited to how "[t]he dangers of the united-front policy were made manifest during the Browder period, when the Party dissolved itself."

Additionally, the Browderist approach to race relations was unique within the CPUSA's history of strong relations with African Americans. According to Mouledous, the CPA diverged from the Leninist principle of self-determination for African Americans, instead advocating for social integration; Browder cited World War II as the opportunity, writing in 1944 for the Communist that "[t]he immediate achievement in this period, under the present American system, of complete equality for the Negroes, has been made possible by the war as a peoples' war of national liberation." Mouledous argues this approach amounted to class collaboration based on progressive tendencies.

Components

A "penny pamphlet" published by the CPUSA in the late 1930s appealing to American patriotism and synthesizing it with communism.

Popular front

Browderism supports the organization of a popular front, an alliance of socialists with liberals and progressives in opposition to fascism. This strategy was adopted by the Comintern from 1934 until the signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact in 1939, with examples of popular front governments briefly holding power in the 1930s including Spain, France and Chile. Browder's push for such a broad anti-fascist coalition was due to the rise of fascism in Europe and the popularity of the New Deal, which Browder was initially hostile to, but then came to seek an alliance with the New Dealers, despite orders from Moscow in September 1939 to oppose Roosevelt, leading to conflict within the CPUSA.

Americanism and internationalism

Browder utilized Americanism to promote the CPUSA's platform in accordance with traditional values of liberty and republicanism. This was exemplified by a New Masses article in June 1935, where Browder positioned communism as part of the American revolutionary tradition:

We Communists claim the revolutionary traditions of Americanism. We are the only ones who continue those traditions and apply them to the problems of today. We are the Americans and Communism is the Americanism of the twentieth century.

— Earl Browder, What Is Communism? 8. Americanism—Who Are the Americans?, 1935

According to American historian Wendy L. Wall in her 2008 book Inventing the "American Way", this association of communism with American patriotic values contrasts future anti-communist interpretations of Americanism, as it was evoked during the Cold War.

Despite this nationalist alignment, Browderism continued to support internationalism and active participation in international relations. This informed its rejection of non-interventionism during World War II, with Browder supporting Roosevelt moving away from isolationism in the wake of increasing tensions amid the rise of fascism in Europe.

Class conflict and collaboration

Under Browderism, the need for class conflict against the bourgeosie by the proletariat was de-prioritized and downplayed by the necessity for as broad a popular front as possible. This evolved into class collaboration, where distinctions between socioeconomic classes were put aside in favor of cooperation for an underlying goal, feeding into the need to resist fascism during World War II, as Browder justified in his 1942 book Victory and After. Browder's leadership made use of softer rhetoric more in line with terms used by the Roosevelt administration such as "economic royalism".

International influence

Browderism achieved a brief layer of international support for its ideas of class collaboration, particularly in the Latin American countries of Colombia, Cuba and Venezuela:

The Cuban and the Venezuelan were, together with the Colombian, the Communist Parties which most openly accepted the ideas of Earl Browder, quoted him by name and, after his political liquidation by means of a famous article by the French leader Jacques Duclos, were those which made their self-criticism by explaining their 'deviations' as a consequence of Browder's influence over them. The class-collaboration policies of these parties preceded, as has been seen, the theoretical developments of the American leader.

— Manuel Caballero, Latin America and the Comintern, 1919–1943, 1987

Colombia

Under the leadership of Augusto Durán, the Colombian Communist Party (PCC) was renamed as the 'Socialist Democratic Party' (which they formerly considered to be "somewhat of an insult") and committed itself to a popular front. The United States Department of State—recognizing the similar approach of the Communist Political Association—speculated that the 1943 dissolution of the Comintern would have led to the party being absorbed into that front. Similarly to the CPUSA's support for Roosevelt under Browder, Durán led the PCC's support of liberal Colombian president Alfonso López Pumarejo, and would later be criticized at the Communist Unity Congress in July 1946 following the Duclos letter.

Cuba

The Popular Socialist Party (PSP) adopted its own Browderist position on class collaboration with the publication of Colaboración entre Obreros y Patronos by Lázaro Peña, PSP executive member and general secretary of the Confederación de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC). Based on a speech he gave to the National Association of Industrialists (ANIC), Peña argued that such collaboration between employees and employers was in Cuba's national economic interests following WWII. Upon the Duclos letter's publication, the PSP—along with the PCC—censured Duclos in the Venezuelan communist newspaper ¡Aquí Está!'. The PSP claimed that Latin America's underdeveloped conditions justified their communist movements' collaboration with the national bourgeoisie as an "anti-imperialist alliance" which didn't apply to the U.S. However, during Foster's address to the PSP's 3rd National Assembly in January 1946, Browderism was formally repudiated by the party.

United Kingdom

Outside of Latin America, Browderist influence in the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was partly a grassroots effort by the CPUSA, with Browder sending New Masses editor Joseph North to London to attend a World Federation of Trade Unions founding conference in February 1945 to advocate for its policies. A statement from the CPGB's leadership claimed that "advocates for the Browder line for Britain, including some enthusiastic adherents from the United States and other countries" supported the party's liquidation, akin to that of the CPUSA in 1944. Additionally, the party's response to the Duclos letter caused similar debate in Latin America as to whether its condemnation of Browderism was applicable to them.

During its 18th Congress in November 1945, the CPGB criticized Browderism, yet in contrast to the Latin American examples, denied any notion that the ideology had significantly infiltrated party ranks. General secretary Harry Pollitt—a Stalinist—argued in his political report to the congress that Browder's proposals "assumed a basic change in the character of imperialism, denied its reactionary role, and held out a long-term perspective of harmonious capitalist development and class peace after the war, both for the United States and the world." Furthermore, Pollitt justified the CPGB's favorable portrayal of the CPUSA during the Browderist period as informed by camaraderie amid anti-communist political attacks, and that:

The line of Browder did exercise a limited influence in our Party, although in view of the statements of some comrades in our pre-Congress discussion that the Executive Committee of our Party succumbed to "Browderism", it is necessary to state publicly that we resisted definite attempts to import Browder's basic ideas into our Party by some of our own comrades.

— Harry Pollitt, Communist Policy for Britain, 1945

Historian Neil Redfern challenges Pollitt's portrayal of events by noting how his "theses had not been essentially significantly different from Browder's ideas", pointing to Pollitt's revisionist position on war as an example. Furthermore, trade unionist Arthur Horner claimed in 1960 that in retrospect, certain party members sympathised with de-prioritizing class conflict.

Venezuela

Juan Bautista Fuenmayor (pictured in 1991) led the PCV from 1937 to 1946.

According to Steve Ellner, Juan Bautista Fuenmayor—elected general secretary of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) at the 1st National Conference in August 1937—pursued a similar position to the CPUSA's liquidation into the CPA. In 1945, his pamphlet The Role of the Working Class and Communists in the Current Era argued for a "party of a new type" to form, uniting progressives around the then-clandestine party. Fuenmayor justified this course of action by alluding to "demagogic organizations" opportunistically appealing to the socialist identity themselves; this likely referred to Democratic Action, whose reformist politics Fuenmayor sought to confront during his tenure.

While publishing the Colombian and Cuban censures of the Duclos letter in ¡Aquí Está!, the PCV debated whether they should likewise publicly denounce it, with concerns that Browder was hindered in adequately responding against Duclos' charges. During the Communist Unity Congress, dissidents from the United Venezuelan Communist Party (PCVU) attacked the party's close association with Browderist policies, including Pompeyo Márquez. Rodolfo Quintero opposed the re-entry of former Browderists from the former PCV leadership, declaring that "[w]e have been fed the excrement of Browderism from Cuba."

Criticism

Unlike other variants of Marxism–Leninism like Maoism and Hoxhaism, Browderism has not retained relevance within American communist politics, and its international influence was predominantly confined to the 1940s. It has in retrospect been criticized by anti-revisionists, a position within Marxism–Leninism which remains ideologically committed to Stalinism. Anti-revisionists argued that Browderism was indicative of American exceptionalism, as if the circumstances of class conflict didn't apply to the U.S. Furthermore, they argued that the broad popular front Browderism envisioned subordinated the CPUSA to the interests of the bourgeosie via the Democratic Party, and that the threat of fascism used as justification was non-existent. During the Sino-Soviet split, the editorial departments of the People's Daily and Red Flag claimed the revisionism of Nikita Khrushchev can be traced back to Browderism, even calling Khrushchev "a disciple of Browder".

Within the CPUSA, John Gates called Browderism "a valuable instrument in the hands of U.S. imperialism in its plans for world war and counter-revolution." Claudia Jones was critical of the Browderist political line on race relations as "strengthening [...] bourgeois nationalism among the Negro people and [...] undue reliance on the Negro reformist leadership." Today, the party has remained critical of Browderism, calling its ideas "opportunistic", the result of communist parties' "theoretical confusion and their abandonment of core principles and core working-class constituencies".

See also

• American Communist Party (2024)
• Communism in Colombia
• Deviationism
• Eurocommunism
• Fifth Party System
• History of the Communist Party USA
• Khrushchev Thaw
• Liquidationism
• Lovestoneites
• Joe Sims (politician)
• National communism
• Political opportunism
• Socialist patriotism
• Titoism

Further reading

• Chapman, Roger (2010). "Communists and Communism". In Chapman, Roger (ed.). Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Viewpoints, and Voices. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 110–112. ISBN 978-0-7656-2250-1.
• Costello, Paul (1979). "Anti-Revisionist Communism in the United States, 1945-1950". Theoretical Review. 11: 10–17.
• Duclos, Jacques (1945). "On the Dissolution of the Communist Party of the United States" (PDF). Cahiers du Communisme. William Z. Foster et al., Marxism–Leninism vs. Revisionism. New York: New Century Publishers: 21–35.
• Goldfield, Michael (1980). "Review Article: The Decline of the Communist Party and the Black Question in the U.S.: Harry Haywood's Black Bolshevik". Review of Radical Political Economics. 12 (1): 44–63. doi:10.1177/048661348001200104.
• Ryan, James Gilbert (1977). "The Making of a Native Marxist: The Early Career of Earl Browder". The Review of Politics. 39 (3). Cambridge University Press: 332–362. doi:10.1017/S0034670500014820. JSTOR 1405971.
• Thompson, Robert (1946). "The path of a renegade: Why Earl Browder was expelled from the Communist Party". PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements: 367.
• Parker, Lawrence (2014). "Opposition in slow motion". In Smith, Evan; Worley, Matthew (eds.). Against the grain. pp. 98–114. doi:10.7765/9781847799234.00012. ISBN 978-1-84779-923-4.
• Waltzer, Kenneth (1983). "The New History of American Communism". Reviews in American History. 11 (2): 259–267. doi:10.2307/2702153. JSTOR 2702153.